Requiem and Michael Davies Memorial Lecture
SPONSORED BY THE LATIN MASS SOCIETY, LONDON
A requiem for Michael Davies was celebrated by Fr Tim Finigan in the Church of Our Lady of the Assumption and St Gregory, Warwick Street, London W1B 5LZ, at 5.30pm yesterday, Friday 10th July 2015. The Mass was accompanied with music by Cantus Magnus, under the direction of Matthew Schellhorn.
Following the Mass, The Michael Davies Memorial Lecture was delivered by Roberto de Mattei, Professor of Modern History and Christian History at the European University in Rome. His lecture was entitled 'From the Second Vatican Council to the Synod: The Teaching of Michael Davies'.
The lecture, which was held in the church hall at Warwick Street and chaired by Adrian Davies - Michael’s son, started at 6.30pm. The Mass and lecture were open to all.
Exclusive for Rorate Caeli
***
From the Second Vatican Council to the Synod:
The Teaching of Michael Davies
Roberto
de Mattei
Dear
friends,
It’s
an honour and a pleasure for me to be here to speak about the work of Michael
Davies, whom I met personally and consider one of the few true defenders of the
Catholic faith of the 20th century.
His
books anticipate those of Romano Amerio 1 and Monsignor Gherardini 2 and my History of
the Second Vatican Council II is also indebted to them.3
In
the first paragraph of his book Cranmer’s Godly Order (published in
1976) Michael Davies wrote that the Church was going through “the greatest crisis since the Protestant Reformation, quite possibly the
greatest since the Arian heresy”. For Davies this crisis has its most recent roots
in the Second Vatican Council to which he dedicated an entire volume, the
second of his memorable trilogy, The Liturgical Revolution.4
He
returned to Vatican II in 1992 with another important book: The Second
Vatican Council and Religious Liberty 5. The problems relating to the liturgy and
religious liberty at first glance, appear distant from each other but actually
have a common origin in the Second Vatican Council and its consequences.
In
this conference, I’ll be focusing on the fundamental aspect of Mr. Davies’
work: that is, his contribution to the understanding of Vatican II and its
aftermath.
The convocation of the Second Vatican Council
On
October 9th 1958 Pope Pius XII died. On January 25th
1959, only three months after his election to the papal throne, the new Pope,
John XXIII, announced the convocation of the Second Vatican Council.
Davies
retraces Vatican II starting from its convocation, by using the words of
Cardinal Pietro Sforza Pallavicino (1607-1667), a historian of the Council of
Trent, quoted by Cardinal Manning: “… to convoke a General Council, except
when absolutely demanded by necessity, is to tempt God”6.
This
was not what some conservative cardinals thought, seeing that from the moment
John XXIII was elected, they encouraged him to convoke an ecumenical Council.
The First Vatican Council had been brusquely interrupted by the Franco-Prussian
war in 1870, and these cardinals imagined its continuation – in their
intentions - would be culminated with
the drafting of a “Syllabus” of contemporary errors. They counted on the
support of Monsignor Domenico Tardini, seeing that they had imposed on John
XXIII, Tardini’s nomination as cardinal and Secretary of State, as a condition
for his election to the Papacy.
Monsignor
Tardini’s unexpected death on July 30th 1961, while the preparatory phase for
the Council was in progress, upset these plans. The conservative cardinals
also, overestimated the strength of the Roman Curia and underestimated their
adversaries,’ who were forming a powerful and well-organized party. In his
book, The Rhine flows into the Tiber, Father Ralph Wiltgen, was the
first to reveal the existence of this organized structure.7 In my book about the
Council I reported new elements based on the memories of some protagonists and
some archival documents, which came to light in recent years.
In June
1962, when the first seven schemas of the conciliar constitutions (which had been worked on by ten committees for
three years under the supervision of Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani) were submitted
to the Pope, John XXIII was still convinced that the Council would have been
closed by December. The Pope approved the preparatory schemas and in July,
three months before the opening of the Council, ordered that they be sent to
all the Council Fathers, as a basis for discussion at the general
congregations.
The
Second Vatican Council opened in St. Peter’s Basilica on October 11th
1962.
In all
Revolutions, the decisive moment is the first act, since it contains in itself
the seeds of its subsequent development. The entire history of the French
Revolution, for instance, is found in the first two months, of June and July
1789, when the procedural coup d’etat happened: the transformation of the
general States into the Constituent Assembly.
Also at Vatican II there was a decisive juridical coup d’etat in the
first week, which Davies highlighted very well by defining it a “blitzkrieg”, a
“lightening war”. Professor Paolo
Pasqualucci, a philosopher of Italian Law, recently dedicated a small volume to
what he defined as the “procedural
brigandage” of the first days.8
The
progressive party obtained the re-mixing of the votes for the Commissions with
a first “blitzkrieg” and with a second one were able to monopolize the
Commissions, by inserting their own men -
along with some sympathizers - into them. Right from the dawn of the
Council, the Rhine began flowing into the Tiber.
Another
significant alteration to the procedures was the “new” rule that stated it was
enough for a minimum of 5 members in each Commission to approve any amendment.
An interesting coincidence – notes Davies – that the group of Fathers from
Central Europe had no less than 5 of its representatives in each Commission.
The periti (experts) were also given the chance to speak during the debates, at
least on some occasions. Michael Davies,
in the wake of Father Wiltgen, notes that with good reason, Vatican II was
defined as “the Council of periti”. The periti – defined by Davies, as “the shock troops of the liberal forces”9 – had an incredible influence, much, much greater than
most of the Council Fathers had.
It was precisely those periti that should get the
credit for perhaps the progressives’ most resounding victory in the conciliar
hall: the rejection of all the preparatory schemas – [which were] perfectly
orthodox, in conformity with the doctrine of the Church and fruit of the
diligent work of 871 experts. Two years it had taken to finish those precious
schemas which the conciliar assembly threw literally into the dust-bin -
through an irregular procedure - lacking 2/3 of the votes required. Bishop
William Adrian from Nashville, Tennessee, wrote in no uncertain terms that the
European periti had imbibed the pernicious errors of Teillard de Chardin
and situation-ethics, - errors which in
the final analysis destroy the faith, morals and any established authority. “These liberal theologians seized on the
Council as the means of decatholicizing the Catholic Church while pretending
only to de-Romanize it”10 .
Cardinal Heenan didn’t hesitate in saying that
John XXIII’s Council “provided an excuse for rejecting so much of the
Catholic doctrine which he wholeheartedly accepted”. The perfectly
efficient organisation of the Rhine Fathers allowed them to arrive in Rome in a
similar way to a well-formed [political]party with very precise politics to
follow and clear aims to achieve. The other Fathers arrived in Rome just as
simple “Catholics” without even knowing the exact reason for that convocation. Cardinal Heenan explains how most of the
British and American bishops arrived in Rome in absolute ignorance of what was
about to happen and, most of all, unaware of how “ecumania” as Heenan defined it, had infected
their European confreres. The German
Bishops, in particular, had made ecumenism almost into a religion. Heenan affirmed that John XXIII had seen the
Council like “an episcopal safari”.
But, before the end of the first session, “ (Pope John) must have
thought of his Council less like a safari than a siege”11.
The day
after the opening of the Council, John XXIII, like Frankenstein, realized he
had given birth to a creature - the
Council - that he couldn’t control anymore.
When he died on June 3rd 1963, the Council was firmly in the
hands of the progressives.
In
order to be sure of completely dominating the Council, the Rhine Fathers had to
be certain that the procedures were altered so as to weaken the Roman Curia’s
influence, which the new Pope, Paul VI, did without any qualms, by nominating 4
cardinals as “moderators” who would be responsible for “directing the activities of the Council and
determining the sequence in which topics would be discussed at the business
meetings”12. When the names of three of the four cardinals were made known (Dopfner,
Lercaro, and Suenens) the direction in which the Council was heading was very
clear. At the third session, when the Coetus
Internationalis Patrum was formed, it was already too late to resist
the advance of the progressives. The liberals and the “periti” had already
absolute monopoly of the Council.
Ambiguous texts and time-bombs
Another victory for the progressives - and perhaps the most devastating – was that of having inserted into the
conciliar texts, what Michael Davies, drawing on Monsignor Lefebvre’s
expression, defined with eloquent imagery as the “time-bombs”13. These bombs would have been set-off by the periti
following the Council, after they had taken control of the Commissions for the
implementing of the texts. These
“time-bombs” consisted of: 1. Ambiguous
passages inserted by the Fathers and the periti which weakened traditional
doctrine as they had abandoned traditional language; 2. Omissions; sometimes more dangerous than the heterodox phrases; 3. Ambiguous phrases which seemed to favour
or at least seemed to be compatible with a non-Catholic interpretation of the
texts. In a nutshell, they were formulas
that could have been interpreted in both the traditional sense or the liberal
sense.
The
compromise present in the texts was also due - if not prevalently – to
“ecumania” – the ecumenical mania,
"almost a religion of
ecumenism", according to Cardinal Heenan 14 – which was in the very air of the conciliar
hall. Monsignor Luigi Carli, Bishop of
Segni, ended up complaining, that in order to avoid damaging ecumenism, you
couldn’t talk anymore about the Blessed Virgin, nobody could be called a
heretic anymore, the expression - the Church Militant - couldn’t be used anymore and the powers of
the Catholic Church couldn’t be referred to anymore.
The lack
of precision in the texts was justified by the pastoral non-dogmatic
orientation of the Council. There was no definition authorized. Everything was discussed, but nothing was
defined as it was a pastoral Council. The pastoral dimension, in itself
accidental and secondary in respect to the doctrinal dimension, in reality,
turned out to be the priority, producing a revolution in style, language and mentality.
The failure to condemn Communism
Each
one of the 20 Councils prior to Vatican II had been convoked to extinguish
heresies or to correct the most grave evils of the times. The “gravest evil” of
the 20th century was certainly Communism. Its condemnation would
have justified the convocation of the conciliar assizes. Nonetheless,
paradoxically – Communism was precisely the evil that Vatican II did all the
summersaults it could to AVOID condemning.
Up until the Second Vatican Council, the
Magisterium of the Catholic Church had denounced Communism repeatedly in words
of clear condemnation. John XXIII’s predecessors had condemned Communism
declaring the total incompatibility between this “intrinsically perverse” (Pius
XI) ideology and the Catholic Church. In
the vota of the Conciliar Fathers who came to Rome before the
celebration of the assizes, Communism seemed the gravest error to condemn. Even
if more than 200 Fathers from 46 different countries had asked for a clear rejection of the errors
of Marxism in the Second Session; even if the Cœtus Internationalis had laid out a petition containing exactly 10
reasons for which Communism had to be condemned, informing the assembly that an
abstention in this sense would have involved a repudiation of the Council – and
rightly so – for its silence on Communism which would have been interpreted as
a sign of cowardice and connivance - -the
Council – through a clearly altered voting procedure– didn’t condemn Communism
but sought dialogue with it 15.
Today we
can say that the Conciliar assizes would have been the perfect place to
initiate a trial against Communism similar to the one in Nuremberg against
National Socialism; not a trial of a
penal nature, and neither a trial ex post
of the victors over the defeated, which Nuremberg was, but a cultural and moral
trial, ex ante of the victims with
regard to the persecutors, as the so-called dissidents had already begun to do.
“Every
time an Ecumenical Council met – Cardinal Antonio Bacci declared in the
hall – it always resolved the great
problems that were troubling that period and condemned the errors of the time.
Silence on this issue, I believe would be an unforgivable lacuna, actually, a
collective sin. […] This is the great theoretical and practical heresy of our
times; and if the Council does not deal with it, it may give the impression of
a failed Council”.
The
constitution, Gaudium et Spes, which was the sixteenth and last document
promulgated by the Second Vatican Council, intended a completely new definition
of relations between the Church and the world.
In it there was no condemnation of Communism in any form.
Many
times in the course of his studies on the Second Vatican Council, Davies
insisted on the fact that the Holy Spirit was assisting the Council, even if
[it was] merely pastoral, from falling into heresy. Which means, however, he
repeats, that it doesn’t indicate the Council “has
said all that needed to be said on any particular topic, or even that what it
does say is phrased in the clearest or most prudent manner”16. The
failure to condemn Communism is evidently one of those omissions – perhaps the
gravest – to which the Second Vatican Council will [have to] respond to God and
mankind for.
What was the reason for the failure to condemn
Communism? Today we know that in August 1962, in the small French town of Metz,
a secret accord was stipulated between Cardinal Tisserant, the Vatican representative, and the new
Orthodox Archbishop of Yaroslav, Monsignor Nicodemus, who was an agent for the
KGB, - this as was documented after the opening of the archives in Moscow. On
the basis of this accord the ecclesiastical authorities agreed not to discuss
Communism at the Council. This was the condition requested by the Kremlin which
would permit the participation of observers from the Patriarchate of Moscow at
the Council.
In the Secret Vatican Archives, I found a note in Paul
VI’s own handwriting that confirms the existence of this agreement. Other
documents of particular interest were published by George Weigel in the second
volume of his impressive biography on John Paul II. Weigel, in fact, consulted sources such as the KGB archives
of the Polish Sluzba Bezpieczenstewa
(SB) and the East German Stasi. The documents confirm how the Communist
governments and the secret services of eastern countries penetrated the Vatican
to favour their interests and infiltrate the highest ranks of the Catholic
hierarchy.
But this is not enough to explain the missing
condemnation. In reality what we have here is a new theology of history. In
1925, Pius XI’s encyclical (Quas Primas) - its 90th
anniversary falls this year - had presented to Catholics a theology of history
based on the Social Kingship of Christ.
The work by Jaques Maritain, Integral Humanism 17, appeared
in 1936, and was the manifesto for a new
philosophy of history and society which offered the basis for an evolution of
Catholic thought in the opposite sense of the theology of history outlined in Quas Primas. In the final analysis, Integral Humanism embraces the principles of the French Revolution
- condemned by the Pontifical
Magisterium - and destined to infiltrate massively, from then on, into Catholic
environments, all to the benefit of
socialism and “progressivism”.
The
spirit of “ecumania” which raged in the Second Vatican Council, – according to
Davies – was integral humanism, a philosophy, at least implicitly, which denies
the right of the Church to intervene in the social order; in other terms, it
is: “a denial of the social kingship of Jesus Christ”18. The consequence –
explains Davies – is that “the Church must take her place on equal terms with other religions and
philosophies within a world which had a duty not to command but to serve”19. Maritain dreamed of “universal brotherhood” which the Church had to
be the inspiration of or the “big sister”.
And for the “big sister” to win over her “little brother” – the world –
she must not be intransigent nor authoritarian.
She must make religion acceptable. And for the truth of faith and morals
to be acceptable, Christianity “must be practical rather than dogmatic 20”. Now, it is well-known
that Paul VI was an admirer and disciple of Jaques Maritain. For this – according to Davies – the enigma
of Paul VI can only be understood in the context of his adhesion to integral humanism.
In “The
Second Vatican Council and Religious Liberty”, Michael Davies, contrasted the
doctrine of the Social Kingship of Christ to the principal of religious liberty
enunciated in the declaration of Dignitatis
Humanæ. One of the
Protestant observers present at the Council, the theologian Oscar Cullman,
didn’t hesitate in saying that “the definitive
texts are for the most part compromise texts”21. According to Davies “There is no document of the Second Vatican Council to which these
comments are more applicable than Dignitatis humanae”22.
Davies
often quotes an author who should never be forgotten: Hamish Fraser. In the
February 1976 issue of Approaches, Hamish Fraser stated that Quas Primas is virtually ignored
by the so-called Catholic nations and by the Catholic clergy. It was, he
lamented, the greatest non-event in the entire history of the Church. Certainly
it was a great non-event, a great omission by the Second Vatican Council. The refusal
of the Kingship of Christ is at the origins of an itinerary of apostasy that
has brought Catholic countries to legalize divorce, abortion,
in-vitro-fertilization and sodomy.
Ten years later in 1986, when the liberal Prime
Minister of Ireland, Garret Fitzgerald organized a referendum which he
believed, would authorise his government to legalize divorce, Hamish Fraser
commented on the result with these words:
“In a hundred
year’s time, the 26th of June 1986 should be recalled as one
of the most memorable days in Irish history. For on that day, by an
overwhelming majority (63,5% against, 36,5% for) – the Irish people voted “No”
in the Referendum which was intended to obtain their permission to legalize
divorce in the Republic” 23.
Less than
thirty years later, on May 22nd 2015, Ireland introduced an even more memorable
date into its history: the day the Irish
people - with the same percentages – approved homosexual unions in the Republic. The responsibilities of this apostasy, go
back to the liberal orientation of the ecclesiastical authorities – both Irish
and international – on the basis of Dignitas Humanae and the spirit of Vatican
II.
The role of the media
In
the creating of the so-called “spirit of
Vatican II”, the media – and the press in particular – played a decisive
role. Davies notes that something similar had already occurred a century
before, at Vatican I, so much as to conclude that “the animating force
behind the two campaigns was the same”24.
Cardinal Manning’s testimony – which Davies reports in Appendix III of
his book - Pope John’s Council – is extremely interesting. According to the great English Cardinal, at
Vatican I the idea was circulated that the Council would have rejected the
doctrines of Trent, or would have given them a more open significance, or would
have re-opened discussions considered closed, or a compromise would have been
reached with other religions, or at least it would have adapted the dogmatic
inflexibility of Tradition to modern thought and theology. “This
belief excited an expectation, mixed with hopes, that Rome by becoming
comprehensive might become approachable, or by becoming inconsistent might
become powerless over the reason and will of men”25.
At the time of the First Vatican Council, the
media wanted to obstruct the proclamation of papal infallibility. We’re talking
here about the anti-Catholic press which held worldwide control. When the media
had singled out some bishop opposed to dogmatic definition, they launched a
campaign in his favour. This minority of opposers was naturally exaggerated by
the media. Suddenly, explains Cardinal Manning: “all
the world rose up to meet them. Governments, politicians, newspapers, schismatical, heretical, infidel,
Jewish, revolutionary, as with one unerring instinct, united in extolling and
setting forth the virtue, learning, science, eloquence, nobleness, heroism of
this ‘international opposition’. With an iteration truly Homeric, certain
epithets were perpetually linked to certain names. All who were against Rome
were written up; all who were for Rome were written down”26.
Cardinal Manning carefully followed what the
international press reported on the Council. When he was asked by England what
was to be believed from the reports of the media: “Read
carefully the correspondence from Rome published in England, believe the reverse
and you will not be far from the truth”27. The Cardinal noted how well prepared and
organized beforehand the media campaign was in its attack against the First
Vatican Council. “A
league of newspapers fed from a common centre, diffused hope and confidence in
all countries, that the science and enlightenment of the minority would save
the Catholic Church from the immoderate pretension of Rome, and the
superstitious ignorance of the universal Episcopate 28”.
But the campaign against the
First Vatican Council – and here lies the difference with the Second Vatican Council – failed. It
failed, writes Davies, because Pius IX resisted like an immovable rock, he
condemned the errors, and to those who called for adapting the truth to modern
times, he replied by confirming the clarity of Trent. In spite of the
prophecies of doom that (even in those times!) insinuated the dogma of
papal infallibility was nothing less
than the Church’s last breath, pontifical authority emerged stronger and more
vigorous that ever. The world’s hate for the Church was made manifest, and, at
the same time, the Divine nature of the Bride of Christ was made manifest. Pius IX followed the example of Christ. The
great storm that hit him immediately after the Vatican Council I was nothing
other than the sign of his complete belonging to the Passion of Christ.
Quite different was the fate of the mass-media
at the Second Vatican Council. Father Louis Bouyer (1913 – 2004) a liturgist,
converted from Lutheranism to Catholicism, didn’t hesitate in saying – if - as
was said, the Council had been freed
from the tyranny of the Roman Curia – it had however, been handed over to the
dictatorship of journalists, and “particularly the most incompetent and
irresponsible among them”29. These were almost in toto collaborators with the Rhine Fathers
and the periti. There were key-words
that the journalists of Vatican II used with dramatic skill: opening, dialogue
with the world, the needs of the modern world, aggiornamento (updating), but
above all “the spirit of Vatican II”. However, there was a slogan, according to
Davis – that became a sort of article of faith: “public opinion”. It is a well-known fact that public opinion,
which the press should reflect, is on the contrary ably manipulated by the
press itself, thus conditioning its effect on the public. They even went as far
as calling public opinion “the modern magisterium”. But that wasn’t even enough. “The theory that God teaches the Bishops
through the instrumentality of the liberal press” was diffused, with the aberrant conclusion
that “the Catholic journalist is the theologian of the present day”30.
The
press created their very own myth of conciliar “heroes” such as Cardinals Bea
and Suenens or the theologian Kung 31. It divided the conciliar Fathers into “the good and “the bad”. The
good were the progressives, the bad the traditionalists. The progressives were described as fine men
endowed with superhuman intellectual gifts, enveloped in a romantic and
captivating light, even calling their actions – for example when they spoke
about ecumenism - “sacramentals”. Yes, comments Davies, when
Vatican II is discussed they’re “sacramental discussions”!
The
conservative conciliar Fathers were looked upon with suspicion and described as
men of the Curia with no brains. Monsignor Luigi Carli, one of the protagonists
of the conservative resistance, was described, for example, as the man with the
“pathetic voice 32” when he spoke in the council
hall favouring the Petrine Primacy and against the collegiality of Bishops.
Some journalists like the correspondent for “Le Monde”, Henri Fesquet, had no
problem in thinking his own ideas much better than those of any bishop who had
the temerity to distance himself from the prefabricated consensus (by the periti and the
mass-media)which the Fathers had to accept.
The role of the media at the Council was the
centre of numerous discourses by Benedict XVI, from his famous one to the Roman
Curia on December 22nd 2005
to the last, no less important, on February 14th 2013 to the Roman
Clergy, three days after announcing his abdication. He maintained the thesis,
that a virtual Council, imposed by the means of communication, had betrayed the
real Council, which was expressed in the conclusive documents of Vatican II. It
is to these texts, distorted by post-conciliar abusive praxis, that we should
return to re-discover the truth of the Council. And yet the renunciation of Pope
Benedict’s papacy reveals itself to be, in my view, an admittance of the
failure of this hermeneutical line.
Indeed,
what’s real in the age of communication is what’s communicated and how it’s
communicated. The Council of the media was no less real than the one of the
documents, so much so, that the thesis
could be sustained - if there had been a virtual Council – it was
precisely the one of the 16 official documents of the Council, left in the Holy
See’s archives, but never absorbed into concrete historical reality. The problem of the relationship between the
crisis of the faith and the Second Vatican Council demands, in my view, an
answer not only on the hermeneutical level, but also, if not chiefly, on the
historical level. The problem is not the interpretation of the Council
documents but the judging of Vatican II as a historical reality. And this is
Michael Davies’ precious contribution.
The status of the documents
After
50 years, the long, interminable hermeneutical diatribe on the texts produced
by the Council has substantially come to nothing. Michael Davies, in the
general brawl of the immediate post-council, understood at once that “no
one, whatever his rank, can compel us to accept an interpretation of moral or
doctrinal teaching in a conciliar document which conflicts with the previous
teaching of the Church”33.
Davies refers back to Newman who asserted that when a new form is not faithful
to the idea that it attempts to express better, such a new form is an unfaithful
and false development “more properly called a corruption”.
Citing Bellarmine, Cardinal Newman recalls that: “All Catholics and
heretics agree in two things: first that it is possible for a pope, even as
Pope, and with his own assembly of councillors, or with a General Council, to
err in particular controversies of fact, which chiefly depend on human
information and testimony…”34.
The weak point in the Council’s documents for M.
Davies is in the fact that they don’t always say everything that they should
say and thus they leave the door open for a modernist interpretation of the
texts. It’s also true that many abuses
diffused after the Council don’t have a direct counterpart in the conciliar
documents, but “the Council cannot be exonerated from
responsibility for such abuses”. Moreover “the fact that
they have the approval of the Vatican – adds Davies – does not in any
way affect the fact that they are abuses”35.
M. Davies reflects in a special way on Sacrosanctum Concilium noting that the Commission for its application, the so called
Consilium, was formed mainly by progressives with the surprising addition of 6
Protestant observers. In other words,
notes Davies, “the liberals had constructed the Liturgy
Constitution as a weapon with which to initiate a revolution and the Council
Fathers then placed this weapon in the hands of the very men who had forged it”36, who – as Archbishop R.J. Dwyer said – were men
“either unscrupulous or incompetent”37.
It’s a fact that Archdeacon Pawley, had
recognised that the Council’s liturgical reform not only matched Cramner’s but
actually outdid it 38. It’s useful to cite Cardinal Heenan once more:
There is a certain poetic justice – he said – in the humiliation of the
Catholic Church at the hands of liturgical anarchists. Catholics used to laugh
at Anglicans for being ‘high’ or ‘low’... The old boast that the Mass is
everywhere the same and that Catholics are happy whichever priest celebrates is
no longer true. When on 7th December, 1962 the bishops voted overwhelmingly
(1922 against 11) in favour of the first chapter of the Constitution on the
Liturgy they did not realize that they were initiating a process which after
the Council would cause confusion and bitterness throughout the Church”39.
With
regard to SC, - but it applies to all
the documents - the only consolation –
which indicates the Holy Spirit didn’t abandon the Church – is in the fact that
“this promulgation would be disciplinary not doctrinal in character, and as
a consequence would not involve the Church’s infallibility”40.
Towards the upcoming Synod: Gaudium
et Spes, the warning sign of moral collapse
Reading
M. Davies’ work can help us understand the present crisis. We are now faced
with a Synod of Bishops on the Family that seems to be questioning the
indissolubility of marriage and opening the door to homosexual couples. If Michael Davies were alive, he would
perhaps see its origins in the abandonment of the original schema on Marriage
and the Family at Vatican II, substituted by a few ambiguous passages in
Gaudium et Spes. M. Davies individuated
immediately the dangers lurking in GS on the inversion of the ends of marriage.
Indeed, by placing procreation after conjugal love, all of Catholic morality
was altered. Davies reports the Master
General of the Dominicans, Cardinal Browne’s warning –
during a conciliar session – he rose to
his feet and said in a loud voice: “Caveatis, caveatis! If we accept this definition we are going against the
whole tradition of the Church and we shall pervert the whole meaning of
marriage”41.
If the first end of marriage is not
procreation, it has its highest expression in conjugal love - but the love of
the spouses comes from an act of the will and an act of the will can decree its
end. If morality is not rooted in nature, but in the person, the relationship
of the couple prevails over the objective good of the family. And if the primacy of inter-personal
relations is established, this principle is condemned to extend to
extra-marital relations and then, from heterosexual to homosexual relations.
According to M. Davies, the eternal enmity
between the Augustinian City of God and the City of Man, appears to be extinct
in GS. “While there are statements in GS
which insist that the heavenly kingdom is still the primary goal of the Church,
it is beyond dispute that the document displays a pervasive and obsessive
preoccupation with the earthly Kingdom. If the amount of print devoted to the
former and the latter is compared, the contrast is both startling and
depressing. It is replete with the spirit of Integral Humanism and Sillonism”42.
Michael Davies’ legacy
The
Synod’s enemies, in part, are the same ones as Vatican II: with an aggravating
factor, which is - while the forces at
the Council were in some way outside the Church, now they are inside, in the
sense that - after 50 years of post-Council
devastation – Bishops and Cardinals don’t even hide their admiration for
Luther, nor for the Communist ideology, today presented in terms of
Eco-liberation Theology. Most of the mass-media is in the hands of the Church’s
enemies and their influence is etched into public opinion in an increasingly aggressive
manner - in respect to the Vatican II
years –which, as Davies stated, they themselves have created.
However now we have an advantage, which is – having the experience of
the Council behind us, when the Church’s enemies prevailed in some way because
the good people were not prepared, we can and we must organize a resistance
which doesn’t again catch real
Catholics by surprise. Let’s not forget,
as Cardinal Newman reminds us, that “ At
the time of Arianism it was the fidelity of the lay that saved the
Church.”
I
think that M. Davies would have invited Catholics worthy of this name - first
and foremost, to take up supernatural
arms– the most important certainly being the Traditional Latin Mass, Michael
Davies’ great love, for which he laudably ‘spilled rivers of ink’, driven by
the holy zeal, with which he loved and adored what Father Faber called “the
most beautiful thing this side of Heaven”.
Spiritual
means must be the spirit of natural means. These can consist in the fitting and
proper use of the mass-media (which the enemies use to serve the world and its
Prince) to defend traditional values. We should create “little forts of
resistance” to defend Tradition and the unchangeable doctrine of the
Church; we should study well, as M. Davies did, the limits of obedience to
the Pope and the “fluid” Magisterium he offers daily, holding dearly, on this
issue, to the teaching of the great English Cardinal, J.H. Newman, whom M.
Davies admired as he did Cardinal Manning43. I know he was the object of criticism for his
admiration of Newman, considered a liberal by some traditionalists. Newman’s anti-liberal orthodoxy was, however,
confirmed not only by Leo XIII, who made him a cardinal, but also by St. Pius X
in his papal brief to the Bishop of Limerick of March 10th 1908. As
far as I’m concerned, I can say that if I had lived at the time of the First
Vatican Council, I would have been with Manning, against Newman. But since I live in the times of Vatican II,
I think that Cardinal Newman, in his works, most of all the one dedicated to the
Arians of the IV century, offer us better arms than Manning’s to combat the
Modernists who have taken over the running
of the Church.
Davies attributes part of the conciliar
disaster also to a false obedience Catholics think is due to the Pope. Von
Hildebrand, affirms that deeming every Papal decision inspired by God, and thus
not subject to any criticism, “places insoluble problems before the faithful
in regard to the history of the Church”44.
Cardinal Manning, himself - one
of the most ultramontane cardinals at
Vatican I - said: “Infallibility is not a quality inherent in any person,
but an assistance attached to an office”45. The
First Vatican Council doesn’t teach the charism of infallibility is ALWAYS
present in the Vicar of Christ, but simply that it is not absent in the
exercise of his office in its supreme form, that is, when the Sovereign Pontiff
teaches as universal Shepherd, ex cathedra, in matters of faith and
morals 46.
The
upcoming Synod will have the family and all the problems relating to it as its
theme – which M. Davies foresaw as a direct
consequence of GS in which the ends of marriage were inverted and a clear
condemnation on contraception was omitted. - , in particular, divorce and
possible Communion for the divorced and remarried. In this case, the case of divorce, “Catholic” England is on the front line and
strong in its history and martyrs and thus called to give a special witness to
the Faith. Five hundred years ago, it
was a divorce that caused the Anglican Schism. We know what defection was like
among the clergy and the people, which must be deplored, but we also know about
the heroic witness of many martyrs, whom we still venerate, who by opposing
that divorce, paid for it with their lives. It’s certainly no coincidence that
in the doctrinal and moral confusion of that time, the first consistent group
to raise their voice came from England. Here the blood of the great martyrs of
the 16th century – such as Bishop John Fisher and Thomas More – still testify
that marriage is of Divine right and nobody, not even “the Church has any power
over it” (Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger).
And if this voice continues to go
unheeded, what Michael Davies wrote in 1977 ought to be remembered: “no
one, whatever his rank, can compel us to accept an interpretation of moral or
doctrinal teaching in a conciliar document which conflicts with the previous
teaching of the Church”.
If a direction contrary to the traditional teaching of the Church should
be imposed at the next Synod, we need to stay faithful to the Church’s
unchangeable doctrine, mindful of St. Thomas More’s words: “If I have all the bishops against me, I have
all the Saints and Doctors of the Church with me.”
Roberto de Mattei
Translation: Francesca Romana
_________________________
Notes:
[1] Romano
Amerio, Iota unum, Ricciardi,
Milano-Napoli 1985, translated into six languages.
2 Mons. Brunero Gherardini,
Vatican II A Much Needed Discussion, Casa Mariana, Frigento 2009; Un Concilio mancato,(A Council that Failed) Lindau,
Torino 2011; Vaticano II, alla radice di
un equivoco, (Vatican II, The Roots of a Misunderstanding) Lindau, Turin
2012.
3 The
Second Vatican Council, An Unwritten Story, Lindau, Turin 2011.
4
Pope John’s Council, Augustine Publishing
Company, Chawleigh, Chulmleigh (Devon) 1977.
5 The
Second Vatican Council and Religious Liberty, The Neumann Press, Long Prairie (Minnesota) 1992.
6 H. Manning, Petri
Privilegium, Three Pastoral Letters to the Clergy of the Diocese, III,
Londra 1871, p. 24, cited in Pope John’s
Council, p. 3.
7 Ralph M.
Wiltgen, The Rhine flows into the Tiber,
Hawthorn Books, London 1967.
8 Paolo Pasqualucci, Il Concilio parallelo. L’inizio anomalo del
Vaticano II, (The Second Vatican
Council. The Irregular Beginnings of Vatican II,)
Fede e Cultura, Verona 2014,
9 Pope
John’s Council, p. 45.
10 Bishop W. Adrian, of
Nashville (Tennessee), The Wanderer,
1 August and 8 August 1969, cited in Pope
John’s Council, p. 44.
11J. Heenan, A Crown of Thorns, Londra
1974, p. 354, cited in Pope John’s
Council, p. 11.
12 Ralph M. Wiltgen, The
Rhine Flows into the Tiber, p. 82, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 34.
13 Pope
John’s Council, pp. 52-78.
14
[1] J. Heenan, A
Crown of Thorns, p. 339.
15 M. Davies dedicated a whole chapter
to this thorny and controversial issue in his book, Pope John’s Council, with the title “Left Turn” (pp.139-157)
16 Ivi, p.
153.
17 Jacques Maritain, Humanisme intégral. Problèmes temporels et spirituels d’une nouvelle
chrétienté, Aubier-Montaigne, Paris 1936, ora in Jacques e Raissa
Maritain, Oeuvres complètes, Editions Universitaires, Fribourg 1984, vol. VI,
pp. 293-642..
18 Pope John’s Council, p. 178.
19 Ivi, p. 179.
20 H.
Le Caron, Le Courrier de Rome, 15
October 1975, cited in Pope John’s
Council, p. 181.
21 Henri
Fesquet, Le Journal du Council,
H. Morel 1964, pp. 517-518, cited in Pope
John’s Council, p. 56.
22Religious Liberty, p. 174.
23 Religious
Liberty, p.185.
24
Pope John’s Council, p. 264.
25
L.-J.Suenens, La Croix, 6 April 1965,
cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 91.
26
Cf Pope John’s Council, App. IV, pp. 270ss.
27
Ivi, p. 273.
28 Ivi, p. 212.
29 J. H. Newman, The Development of Christian Doctrine,
London 1974, Ch. II, Sec. II., p. 11, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 212.
30 Pope
John’s Council, p. 214.
31Ivi, p. 226.
32 R. J. Dwyer, The
Tidings, 9 July 1971, cited in Pope
John’s Council, p. 226.
33 Cf Pope John’s Council, p. 242.
34 J. Heenan, A
Crown of Thorns, p. 367, cited in Pope
John’s Council, p. 243.
35 X. Rynne, The
Second Session, London 1964, p . 297, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 227.
36 M. Lefebvre, Un Eveque Parle, Parigi 1974, pp.
155-156, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 67.
37
Pope John’s Council, p. 186.
38
Lead Kindly Light: The Life of John Henry
Newman, Neumann Press, 2001
39 Ivi, p. 174.
40 H. Manning, The
True Story of the Vatican Council, London 1877, p. 179, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 175.
41 Cf Pope John’s Council, pp. 175-176.
42
Pope John’s Council, p. 186.
43
Lead Kindly Light: The Life of John
Henry Newman, Neumann Press,
2001
44 Ivi, p. 174.
45 H. Manning, The
True Story of the Vatican Council, London 1877, p. 179, cited in Pope John’s Council, p. 175.
46 Cf Pope John’s Council, pp. 175-176.
