One Year of Pope Leo XIV
It has been a year since our new Pope appeared on the balcony, after the election of Robert Francis Prevost as Pope Leo XIV was announced. Initially, he was largely unknown to most of the world. Not a progressive star like Tagle, nor the candidate many had pegged as the counterrevolutionary choice, Cardinal Peter Erdő. Many did not know what to expect, though two mainstream narratives soon emerged: that Pope Leo XIV represents a return to normalcy, and that he is a moderate. The idea was that Leo is more institutionalist and more reserved than Francis, but that he will preserve — even if he will not double down on — at least some of Francis's key reforms, especially the much-touted concept of synodality.
Pope Leo helped cultivate both notions, as he appeared in the traditional papal vestments Francis had eschewed, and his first speech combined references to the unity message of the conservative cardinals' bloc with a generic reference to a synodal church. Remaining somewhat enigmatic and not a clear break from Francis at the outset could only work in Pope Leo's favor.
Yet a minority of commentators early on — including me — suspected Pope Leo was actually a return to orthodoxy (along the lines of John Paul II), and that he had quietly been the conservative candidate all along. In recent months, that view has gained real traction. Pope Leo has openly made conciliatory moves toward supporters of the Tridentine Mass, his curial appointments keep piling up and virtually all lean conservative, and he has even praised Catholicism being the state religion of Monaco. Is a full picture of this Pope finally emerging — and what does it mean for the future?
The Cards Pope Leo Has Shown So Far
Pope Leo gradually started to become less of a blank slate throughout his first year. He has not had his "who am I to judge" moment, however. Unlike Francis, the things Pope Leo says do not dominate headlines. He speaks less off the cuff and largely avoided interviews during his first few months. It quickly became evident to many that he is reserved — the exact opposite of Francis. He does not define himself through provocative statements or symbolic gestures.
Almost immediately, he came out unambiguously in support of priestly celibacy and Humanae Vitae. He also delayed certain DDF documents from Fernandez, though unfortunately not an immediately notorious document on Marian titles. He did ensure that the document on monogamy was revised to be much firmer in reaffirming the indissolubility of marriage and its openness to life. He has also spoken out strongly against syncretism and the worship of nature rather than God in his messages to both Africa and Latin America.
Furthermore, Pope Leo has made clear that his reserved character does not mean he is spineless, weak, or prone to excessive compromise. He expresses himself through measured statements and carefully considered actions. As a result, there has been far less need for clarifications or denials from the Vatican about what the Pope allegedly said or did. Pope Leo has left certain curial offices vacant for months, only then filling them with competent people. He acts deliberately, not ad hoc the way Francis did. He plans, and once he chooses to act, Pope Leo tends to be quite firm.
Whether it was removing scandal-ridden Chaldean bishops from office or sending a pro-Rupnik nuncio into early retirement, Pope Leo can act strongly and decisively when he needs to. One of the most important examples of this has been Pope Leo's firmer and more consistent stance in opposing the heresies pushed by the German Synodal Way, from the very start of his pontificate. He is not planning on being some bland centrist who tries to please everyone. His interventions against the blessing of homosexual couples by liberal bishops, and his unusually fierce condemnation of abortion before diplomats, serve as perfect proof.
Even more impressive is the fact that Pope Leo's intervention on abortion apparently killed a secret, unofficial agreement that the government of Andorra had been working to secure under Francis — one under which the Catholic Church would tacitly go along with the decriminalization, but not the legalization, of abortion.
Finally, it is clear at this point that Pope Leo, while likely not a full integralist, has sympathy for integralism rather than liberalism or liberal democracy. In his message to the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, Pope Leo emphasized that democracy can only be a positive thing when it is rooted in objective moral law. Pope Leo does not hold an idealized view of democracy and is willing to engage positively with more authoritarian regimes as long as they adhere to moral law principles.
Traditional Devotions, Canon Law, and Bad Vatican II Habits
Pope Leo clearly lacks Francis's anti-clericalism. He does not constantly use "clericalism" as a slur or suggest that immoral populist priests are better than pious ones. He does not criticize traditional devotions like the spiritual bouquet of rosaries — which Francis criticized after traditionalists offered it as a gift — nor has he mocked women who wear the mantilla. He has not ridiculed cardinals for wearing "grandmother's lace," either.
That Pope Leo is deeply shaped by being a canon lawyer — not just as one skill among many, but as a core part of his identity — has become increasingly obvious. He appointed Archbishop Iannone, a canon lawyer, as his successor as prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, made another canon lawyer one of his secretaries, and even installed a canon lawyer as Secretary of the Dicastery for the Clergy. Canon lawyers receive preferential treatment. Francis constantly ignored or rewrote the law. Pope Leo tries to create clarity. Initially, supporters of Francis and his progressivism hoped Pope Leo could use this expertise to codify Francis's revolution, which had started in chaos. So far, that is not at all what has happened.
No synodal structures or ideals have been enshrined in canon law yet. The canon lawyers promoted by Pope Leo are not exactly diehard synodalists, nor are the nuncios he has elevated. Pope Leo supports bishops exercising their authority as successors to the apostles. The synodal study group ideas are likely to be shelved.
Pope Leo makes relatively few references to Thomism, Scholasticism, Neo-Thomism, or Neo-Scholasticism. Unlike Francis, he has shown no hostility toward any of them. He also makes relatively few references to modern theologians and virtually none to progressive ones. Instead, he shows a detailed knowledge of and love for the Early Church Fathers. Augustine is especially cited by our Augustinian Pope, as one might expect, but he references many others as well. What may prove very important is whether the Pope selects a Thomist — or someone with deep knowledge of scholastic theology — as his new prefect of the Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith, to compensate for what may be his own weaker area.
At the same time, Pope Leo seems unable or unwilling to break with certain entrenched Vatican II-era habits, whether it is overly generous ecumenical gestures toward Protestant non-clergy or a continued focus on interreligious dialogue. This was on full display in his meeting with the new Anglican "Archbishop" Sarah Mullally. Rome has humored Anglican laymen pretending to be bishops since at least the days of Pope Paul VI. Now it is a laywoman, with even more radical positions — including support for abortion. At least Pope Leo politely hinted that divisions have only deepened, including within her own denomination. Dialogue with non-Christian religions is still par for the course, too — though at least they are no longer called paths to God.
Similarly, Pope Leo has continued to speak about the environment, opposing extreme wealth inequality, and welcoming migrants. Thankfully, on these topics, he appears to echo the more moderate positions of Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI rather than Francis's stances. He has acknowledged the right of nations to control their borders, the problems with illegal migration, and why it is important for African youth to stay and fix their countries rather than emigrate. He also does not over-emphasize these themes at the expense of issues like abortion or theological matters.
What Was Revealed About His Background
Because Prevost was a relative unknown at the time of the conclave, not much was known about his background beyond the basics. What gradually came to light was generally not encouraging for progressives.
It turned out that:
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As a priest in Peru, he bravely stayed and guided his flock while at risk from the Maoist Shining Path. He also refrained from backing the push to restore "democratic process" under authoritarian President Fujimori;
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As Prior General of the Augustinians, he supported neither liberation theology nor the push for syncretism. He did organize a visit to the Valley of the Fallen in Spain, commonly viewed as a monument associated with the far right;
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As bishop of Chiclayo, Prevost had gotten along very well with the Opus Dei clergy there and continued to appoint them to key positions. Priests described him as both doctrinally clear and a liturgical stickler, even under Francis. He also never implemented Amoris Laetitia;
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As prefect of the Dicastery for Bishops, he developed a strong dislike for Archbishop Montanari, the secretary of that dicastery and one of Francis's most important allies — and Francis's first choice as the new prefect. Montanari had enjoyed special influence in helping Francis appoint modernist bishops, and Prevost strongly objected. This was confirmed when Montanari was passed over for promotion by Pope Leo.
Finally, it came out that he has a fiercely pro-Trump brother, Louis Prevost, with whom he gets along well. Lou said Pope Leo will be doctrinally conservative even though they do not agree on all political matters.
Prevost's ecclesial career revealed an anti-communist, an orthodox canon lawyer, and a devoted evangelizer. His past is free of the dubious ties or questionable decisions that marked Bergoglio's. It instead showed a man deeply shaped by the pontificate of John Paul II, sympathetic to Latin American conservatism — and possibly integralism — rather than liberation theology. A man who was not significantly influenced or changed by the radicalism that dominated the Francis years.
Reservedness, Prudence, and Respect for the Petrine Office
Pope Leo has taken a radically different approach when it comes to dealing with the media, secular politics, and above all the papal office itself.
The recent attacks by President Trump, and Pope Leo's responses to the whole affair, serve as definitive proof that Pope Leo is on many issues the opposite of Francis. He avoids personal attacks and partisan politics, remains calm and dignified, and presents himself as a humble servant duty-bound to preach the doctrine of the Church.
Far-left partisans — and certain fringe radical traditionalists — have been trying to sell a narrative of Pope Leo as an enemy of Trump. That narrative has accelerated now that Pope Leo has been openly critical of Trump's escalating confrontation with Iran, which many of Trump's own supporters have also criticized. President Trump directly attacked Pope Leo right at the start of his trip through Africa, and Leo simply said he was not afraid of the Trump administration and would continue preaching peace — while also making clear he had no desire to enter a political debate. In what may prove to be a defining feature of his pontificate, Pope Leo later clarified unambiguously that his trip to Africa was not about Trump and that a prayer dealing with peace had been prepared weeks earlier. He pushed back against a political framing of his message, just as Vatican authorities quickly clarified that Pope Leo had not actually told Spanish bishops that the far right was a threat.
Some have tried to link Pope Leo to the decision by far-left cardinals Cupich, Tobin, and McElroy to attack Trump in the media. However, those cardinals have never needed Leo's approval to be partisans or to seek out liberal media. The meeting with Axelrod turned out to involve only him and his family, and nothing has emerged to suggest Pope Leo was engaging in partisan politics. The man is from Chicago and seems to have genuinely wanted to meet the Pope. Leo has met with politicians across the spectrum, receiving Vance and Orbán fairly early on.
Pope Leo does not make blunt, off-the-cuff remarks. He does not pull media stunts. He clarifies misunderstandings when necessary. Crucially, he also does not say things semi-privately while maintaining plausible deniability. While willing to meet with various figures, he does not sit down for detailed interviews with far-left, anti-Catholic atheists. All of this is a breath of fresh air.
It is perhaps best summed up by the fact that Pope Leo has never told reporters or other key figures to just call him Robert, nor has he ever downgraded himself to merely being the Bishop of Rome. He wears traditional papal attire rather than eschewing it. He also does not use vulgar language when speaking to priests or seminarians.
He is the successor of Saint Peter. Prevost died so that Pope Leo could live. Francis spoke of his unwillingness to give up his personal style and preferences as Pope; Leo seems entirely dedicated to the opposite. He values discretion and decorum, to the point of ensuring his brothers avoid causing scandal in the media.
Institutionalism
Pope Leo values institutionalism, and how he approaches the Curia is connected to how he approaches the papal office itself. It has been noted before: one of Pope Leo's earliest and clearest breaks with Francis was the position he took on the Curia, and events continue to bear this out.
Whereas Francis was deeply shaped by a progressive tradition of attacking the Curia as a bastion of conservatism, Pope Leo instantly praised it for precisely that role — "Popes come and go, the Curia remains." He has not allowed progressive bishops to ignore it. Pope Leo does not bypass the Curia or specific dicasteries. He does not sow chaos or allow friends to act as rogue, despotic prefects. He has the relevant dicasteries and the Secretariat of State review his documents. Most importantly, he has been ambivalent at best regarding Francis's radical curial reforms — and the even more radical implications of them. Pope Leo has left Francis's new Curia constitution, Praedicate Evangelium — which was never fully implemented — largely in limbo. Instead, Pope Leo has been working to ensure that dicasteries no longer operate in isolation as they tended to under Francis, but once again collaborate on overlapping issues. He has also reaffirmed the leading and coordinating role traditionally held by the Secretariat of State. Hierarchy and normalcy are the dominant forces in Rome again.
While reinforcing the Curia as an institution, Pope Leo has made clear he has no interest in consolidating Francis's people. He only provisionally confirmed the prefects and even secretaries of the dicasteries, and since then only a limited few have had their terms permanently renewed. Key Francis protégés — such as papal almoner Cardinal Krajewski and sostituto Archbishop Peña Parra — have already been exiled from the Curia. At the same time, he has begun bringing in fresh conservative figures, such as Archbishop Randazzo as the new prefect of the Dicastery for Legislative Texts. Pope Benedict XVI specifically retained most of Pope John Paul II's curial prelates to signal continuity. Pope Leo has so far done the exact opposite.
A return to an orthodox, stable, and powerful Curia suggests a renewed commitment to doctrinal unity, an end to personalist rule and papal despotism, and a deep respect for tradition.
Modern Slogans, Conservative Ideas
Pope Leo's pontificate has seen both a return to more traditional theology, canon law, and ethics, and a reframing of the controversial and ambiguous concepts touted by Francis.
The Pope consistently champions natural law as foundational to ethics as well as law and politics. The situation ethics and consequentialism of Francis and Fernandez have been retired. He likewise keeps his distance from pro-abortion politicians and activists. He has so far not endorsed dissident groups the way Francis did with the pro-LGBT New Ways Ministry — he met with Courage International instead. While his meeting with James Martin during the Jubilee drew criticism in some quarters, it was tied to a specific context and was almost certainly already planned under Francis. Pope Leo has otherwise kept his distance from James Martin as well.
As previously noted, Pope Leo does not appear to be much of a scholastic, but he clearly has at least a solid grasp of Ratzingerian theology, and his interpretation of the Second Vatican Council is entirely centered on the council itself — not on the so-called "spirit of Vatican II." So far, he has avoided weighing in directly on debates between advocates of the hermeneutic of continuity and the various competing interpretive frameworks.
At the same time, Pope Leo has occasionally used Francis's "todos, todos, todos" expression, but has since added that all are called to conversion rather than being affirmed in their lifestyle — and he even recently called the expression infamous once, though the Vatican edited this out. He uses the terms "synodal" and "synodality" but leaves them out of a good number of key addresses — including virtually all of his catecheses on the Second Vatican Council — and he has drained the terms of their most revolutionary meaning. Synodality now seems to refer to episcopal collegiality, bishops serving as shepherds of their flocks, and communion.
While Pope Leo has not abruptly cancelled the synodal processes or the ecclesial ones that Francis approved while in the hospital — or so certain Vatican progressives claimed at the time — he has downplayed attention to the process and sidestepped it through consistories with the cardinals and meetings with presidents of episcopal conferences.
Fiducia Supplicans has been reinterpreted to reaffirm Church teaching on the blessing of sinful individuals rather than sinful relationships. It is now being used against the Germans rather than against conservatives. Nullification by reinterpretation. Starting in October, we will see whether Pope Leo takes the same approach with Amoris Laetitia.
An End to the Liturgy Wars and to the Persecution of Traditionalists
It is absolutely clear at this point that Pope Leo does not share the animosity that Francis — and also Parolin and Roche — have held toward traditionalists and the Tridentine Mass. Traditionis Custodes is dead. Bishops are no longer encouraged to suppress the TLM; rather, they are encouraged to be inclusive toward it. The persecution of traditionalist communities appears to be over, and the FSSP is clearly out of danger. The main questions now are what will replace Traditionis Custodes and how far openness toward traditionalists will go.
Pope Leo had liturgy as one of the four topics he wanted cardinals to discuss at the Extraordinary Consistory. A majority — specifically those from the developing world — tended not to care too much either way and shelved the topic. Hostility toward the TLM was clearly a minority position, however, and Pope Leo proceeded to unilaterally promote a friendlier stance rather than waiting for or pushing through any majority agreement. This was another example of his firm leadership. An earlier example was his direction to the nuncio in the UK to tell the bishops that the DDW would automatically grant dispensations from Traditionis Custodes — thereby forcing them to stop pressuring bishops into ending the Tridentine Mass.
That Pope Leo has appointed several new archbishops with a history of being friendly toward the TLM is a good sign. But in the end, the most important next step is who Pope Leo appoints to replace Cardinal Roche as prefect of the Dicastery for Divine Worship and the Sacraments. Almost as important is what he does with the current DDW secretary, Archbishop Viola. Will he have him work under a far more traditionalist-friendly prefect, or better yet, exile him from the Curia once his five-year term ends this May?
Conclusion
Whether Pope Leo represents a full return to orthodoxy will gradually become clear over the next few years. The main tests will be the definitive decisions on curial reform, what becomes of the 2028 Ecclesial Assembly and synodality after that, and what happens to Amoris Laetitia and Traditionis Custodes. Leading up to that, whom Leo chooses as archbishops of Chicago, Paris, Milan, and the capital of his beloved Peru will serve as very important indicators.
For now, though, it can at least be said that Pope Leo had a good — if not a very good — first year. He has made generally solid curial appointments, excellent nuncio appointments, and appointed only a handful of problematic bishops, mainly in countries with few or no orthodox candidates. He has restored dignity to the papal office and proven more orthodox on sexual ethics and the unchanging nature of Church doctrine than many expected.
Let us pray the Pope continues on this path and grows ever more faithful to Christ and the faith He entrusted to us!
